In the
context of the deposition and drowning of Edward Colston’s statue in Bristol, one
can reflect on Britain’s relationship with its slaving past. Which is important because the nation’s
mercantile and financial history was built and is based on the banking,
insurance and investment systems developed to support the slave trade and slave
produce from the 1660s onwards – later augmented
to profit from exploitation in India and Asia.
Over a century later, in 1780, the humanitarian campaign began against shipping
human beings like cargo or cattle, and then in the 1830s colonial slavery was eventually
abolished (except in India). At which
point, Britain switched from being a leading slave nation to self-congratulatory
emancipation.
Abolition
happened to coincide with the 1834 destruction of the Houses of Parliament by
fire. As it was rebuilt in High Victorian
Gothic by Sir Charles Barry, attention turned to interior decoration in form of
mural paintings and sculptures. This occupied
years and years, although early on it was agreed to chose scenes from British
history – plus, in some proposals, scenes from English literature.
These
were many and various, and apart from the vast depictions of the battles of
Waterloo and Trafalgar that were eventually painted and are still in situ, many
if not most of the suggestions did not progress further. However, in 1847 there was a specific proposal
for six scenes to decorate the central corridor, with three depicting antiquity
and three illustrating modern subjects.
The contrast was between ancient Britain ‘sunk in ignorance, superstition and
slavery’ and the Christian [sic] Britain of the present, ‘instructing the savage, abolishing barbarous rites and liberating the slave.’ A good spread of self-congratulation that presumably
also commended itself by not obviously depending on military conquest.
So the
three ancient topics were to be:
Phoenicians in Cornwall; Druid sacrifice; Anglo-Saxon captives in
Rome. [I’m unclear as to why ancient Phoenicians
represented ignorance, but the others were familiar subjects from then-prevailing
history]. The three modern scenes were wonderfully
illustrative of the then-prevailing view of Empire: Captain Cook in Tahiti, protesting
against human sacrifice; the suppression of sati in India; the 'emancipation of
Negro slaves' - all matters to applaud. None of these subjects was
actually commissioned for the Palace of Westminster. But they do convey Britain’s erasure of its
own barbaric practices in favour of a benign global mission. In a generation
colonial enslavement had been transformed into liberation.
And a century further
on, when the subject was revived in 1924-5, a new scheme illustrating the ‘Building
of Britain’ was commissioned, which according to today’s account ‘brought together images important to the development
of the Nation. These included the importance of naval defence, and of
transporting expeditions overseas, both essential for an island race; the
nobles who protested against oppression; the long struggle for religious
freedom; the daring adventure to find the New World in the Elizabethan age; the
start of English [sic] influence in India; and the union of Scotland and
England in 1707.'
One of
these stirring scenes was in fact Richard I departing on the first crusade, painted
by Glyn Philpot. Which doesn’t seem to
fit the forgoing list but presumably still popularly represented the defence of
Christianity. Another was the embassy to the Mughal court of Jahangir in 1614, painted
by William Rothenstein. It shows how ‘Sir
Thomas Roe, envoy from King James I of England to the Mogul Emperor, succeeds
by his courtesy and firmness at the Court of Ajmir in laying the foundation of
British influence in India.’
No doubt in the 1920s the question of the Raj was important but problematic, especially in terms of possible pictorial representation. This episode, of which I was previously ignorant, marks the beginning of the East India Company’s activities in India. Not exactly a topic for celebration, but as ambassador Roe returned to London without a trade agreement, it perhaps seemed relatively neutral.
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